AFRICAN POPULAR MUSIC
(a historical review of sub-Saharan
John Collins (March 2002)
article deals with the transcultural popular music styles of sub-Saharan
Africa that has evolved since the 19th century as a blend of local elements
and imported ones from the West, Islam and the black diaspora of the
Americas. The latter has acted as a catalyst in the creation of many
African popular music genres even in colonial times and can be treated
as a black musical ‘homecoming’ (A. A. Mensah, 1971), ‘cultural
feedback’ (Stearns, 1988), ‘affinity’ (Roberts, 1974)
or ‘resonance’ (Jacobs, 1989).
the outside influences were initially introduced via European ports
there is often a pattern of coastal musical styles diffusing inland
and subsequently becoming more regionalised or indigenised. Moreover,
the fact that African popular music not only partly draws on tradition
but continually interacts with a living folk culture has created neo-traditional
genres that break down the usual folk/pop polarity model of western
popular music arose within the colonial context and so the emergence
of distinct African genres is partly the story of musical de-colonisation.
Popular music also mainly evolved in the modern urban centres and so
in some cases has provided a trans-ethnic, national and even Pan African
practitioners are drawn largely from the intermediate layers of African
society who neither belong to the peasantry nor the elite. They therefore
act as a cultural bridge or nexus for the modern and traditional, imported
and indigenous. African popular musicians are also role models for the
young and their emergent music (and dance) styles often reflect youth
cultures in opposition to established mores. Indeed, in many ways African
popular music can be seen as an modern extension of traditional recreational
music that is customarily associated with youthful age-sets and supplies
an arena for generational identity and conflict.
popular artists became actively involved in the nationalist struggle.
After independence the indigenisation of the arts was encouraged by
the new African governments, augmented by black diasporic Afro-centric
ideas found, for example in soul and reggae music. Since independence
increasingly larger numbers of women have professionally entered the
African popular music business,
earliest European musical impact on Africa came through regimental bands
(fife-and-drum and later brass bands). At first, for obvious military
reasons, there was a reluctance to teach Africans European martial marching
music. An exception was the formation of the Akrampo Number Six Asafo
(warrior) Company in 1655 at Cape Coast, Ghana, composed of mulatto
soldiers (de Graft Johnson,1932). However, by the mid-19th century local
brass bands had appeared as far apart as the ‘native band’
of Cape Coast Castle in Ghana (Beecham 1841) and the cape-coloured one
of Cape Town, South Africa (Coplan 1965)
Brass Band around 1900 (courtesy of Basel Mission Archives)
West Africa West Indian troops were stationed by the British in Freetown
(1819), Cape Coast (1870) and late 19th century Lagos. In Ghana these
Caribbean soldiers, numbering about six thousand, helped catalyse the
formation of local Fanti ‘adaha’ brass band music that used
indigenous and Caribbean rhythms. These bands spread through southern
Ghana during the cocoa boom of the early 20th century, and a poor-man’s
‘konkoma’ or ‘konkomba’ version (using percussion
and voices only) appeared in Fanti-land in the 1930s. Konkoma spread
as far east as Nigeria and helped establish a neo-traditional variant
in the Ghana/Togo area known as ‘borborbor’. Waterman (1990)
mentions that the West Indian troops in Lagos were one of the formative
influences on local Nigerian brass band music of the 1920’s.
East Africa brass band music or ‘beni’ was associated with
late 19th century coastal Kenyan uniformed parades and later the ‘askaris’(local
soldiers) of German Tanganyika (Ranger 1975). After the first World
War beni music moved inland and (paralleling konkoma) became indigenized.
Western instruments were dropped, the local gourd kazoo became important
and the music became polyrhythmic. Beni also became a focus for youthful
conflict with village elders and an organising factor in the 1935 Copperbelt
strike. Although initially coastal beni was trans-ethnic, its later
local offshoots were more ‘tribal’ and included the mbeni
of the Bemba people (Jones 1945) and the kalela of Bisa mine-workers
music of freed African slaves was another seminal influence on African
popular music and the first case is Jamaican goombay, a frame-drum music
associated with the neo-African myelism healing-cult (Bilby, 1985).
Goombay was taken to Freetown, Sierra Leone in 1800 by Jamaican maroon
rebels freed by the British. From 1900 goombay spread to many other
West African countries including Mali (gube), the Cote d'Ivoire (le
goumbe), Ghana (gome), Senegal, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, Fernando Po and
(or Ashiko) is an early Pan West African popular music played on frame-drums
and musical saw (later guitar and accordion) that was created in the
late 19th century by the descendents of Yoruba slaves (Aku's)
liberated in Freetown by the British after their 1807 ban on the slave
British anti-slaving cruisers also operated off the East African coast
from the 1840's and settlements of freed slaves were established in
Kenya (like Freretown) by church mission societies. It was from the
resulting Christian elite and ‘Bombay Africans’ (sent to
India by the British to be educated) that the local ‘dansi’
of the 1920's emerged, modeled on western ballroom dance-music. More
indigenous Luo variants played on accordion evolved inland.
the initial European settlements in sub-Saharan Africa were coastal,
ports became an important musical interface. In early 20th century West
Africa dockside groups were formed that combined African and imported
melodies, rhythms and instruments, including the portable one of seamen:
the accordion, harmonica, banjo (originally an African instrument),
penny whistle and guitar. The first to do this were the maritime Kru
people of Liberia who worked onboard European sailing ships from Napoleonic
times. In the early twentieth century they created the distinctive West
African two-finger guitar plucking technique and spread their ‘mainline’,
‘dagomba’ and ‘fireman’(i.e. steam-ship’s
stoker) styles up and down the West African coast in their 'kru-towns'.
Variants known collectively as ‘palmwine’ music or ‘native
blues’ appeared in Sierra Leone, Ghana and Nigeria.
Town in 1898 (from G.E. Brooks)
Sierra Leone palmwine music was combined with goombay to create ‘maringa',
first recorded by Ebenezer Calender in the 194O's. The coastal palmwine
styles of Ghana (osibisaaba, annkadammu and timo) moved inland during
the 1920's, evolving into regional styles such as 'odonson' or 'Ashanti
blues' that absorbed modulations and melodies from the traditional seprewa
harp-lute. It was the Ghanaian Fanti guitarist Kwame Asare (Jacob Sam)
and his Kumasi Trio that in 1928 first recorded palmwine music, including
the famous Ghsanaians song Yaa Amponsah. They recorded for the
Zonophone Company of London , one of the many foreign record companies
that tapped into the lucrative pre-war ‘native records’
market of West Africa based on a boom in cash-crops like cocao. Kwame
Asare and the many Ghanaian recording artists who followed (Mireku,
Kwese Menu, Osei Bonsu, Appiah Adjekum, etc) paved the way for the larger
guitar-band of the postwar period.
Trio in 1928
the 1920's Lagos had it's own palmwine and native blues groups
(e.g. the Jolly Orchestra). During the early 1930's this was combined
with Yoruba praise music and asiko by Tunde King and Ayinde Bakare ‘rascals’
and ‘area boys’ (Alaja-Browne,1985) of the ‘saro’
(Sierra Leonian) quarter of town. The result was called 'juju' music,
an onomatopoeic word derived from the sound of the local tambourine,
called an ‘asiko’ or ‘samba’ drum. By
the mid-1930's juju music had become the popular salon praise-music
of the Yoruba elite.
thousand West African ‘coastmen’ were recruited by King
Leopold for the Congo Free State from the 1880's (Cornet, 1953) as clerks,
artisans, sailors, railroad workers and contract workers. It was they
who set up the country's first dance orchestra of the Congo River (the
Excelsior Orchestra) and taught the two-finger guitar technique to local
sailor-musician Dondo Daniels and Antoine Wendo. This two-finger technique
reached Swahili speaking eastern Congo in the late 194O's and, combined
with rumba influences, was popularised through records by Jean Bosco
Mwenda and Losta Abelo. Known as the ‘dry’ (i.e. non-amplified)
guitar style it influenced East African guitarists such as Kenya's John
Mwale and Malawi's Kachamba Brothers. There, like its West and Central
African predecessors, it was associated with drinking bars and held
in low esteem. A similar guitar picking style (Zulu ‘utikpa’)
became popular in southern Africa during the fifties called ‘jive’
or ‘twist’ played by Ndebele (eg. Zimbabwe's George Sibanda)
and Zulu artists(e.g. South Africa's John Bhenga). Whether it was an
independent creation or stemmed from the ‘dry’ style is
a matter of debate.
Congolese ‘coastmen’ and mine-workers helped spread the
Congo Kinshasha's earliest recognised local popular music style, ‘maringa’
(Kazadi, 1973). It evolved around 1914 in the coastal Matadi-Kinshasha
area and spread as far as the Shaba mining camps by the 1920's.
It was played on frame-drums and likembe hand-piano (later accordion
and guitar) and was sung in the new evolving trans-ethnic Lingala trade
language of Central Africa. It was played in bars in informal dancing
and was frowned upon by Christians.
MISSION EDUCATED AFRICAN ELITE
schools introduced the sol-fa notation and western harmony to Africans,
and during the 19th century the educated local elite sang European hymns,
cantatas and marches and had their ‘dignity ball’ of Freetown
(Harrev, 1987, Handel Festivals and ‘grand theatre’ of Lagos
(Echerno, 1962) and ‘rainbow balls’ of South Africa (Coplan,
1985). However, after the development of producing the anti-malarial
quinine drug in large commercial quantities and the 1884 Berlin Conference,
the ‘scramble for Africa’ began in earnest. In English-speaking
Africa the ‘índirect’ system of colonial rule through
local chiefs and emirs was instituted and the educated black elites,
middlemen and coastal merchant princes were denied institutional
power. As a result the educated local elites turned towards modern African
nationalist movement and separatist African churches multiplied that
played vernacular hymns. An early example is southern African ‘makwaya’
(i.e. choir) that combined European hymnody with African-American spirituals
and close close-harmony singing. Enoch Sontonga's famous 1897 nationalist
anthem ‘Nkosi Sikelele Africa’ falls into this category.
Similar early African choral composers were Ephraim Amu of Ghana and
Reverend Ransome-Kuti of Nigeria.
South Africa during the 1920's makawaya went secular and became associated
with the refined Zulu music of pianist Ruben Caluza. Combined with ragtime
and the music of diamond and gold miners (Sotho focho/disorder music
and Zulu acapella close-harmony ‘nightmusic’) makawaya also
became transformed into ’marabi’ associated with working-class
shebeen bars and prostitution. The African elite loathed marabi, but
endorsed Caluza’s art-music style of makwaya, as well as prestigious
ragtime bands of the period (Versatile Seven and Jazz Revel1ers), located
in Johannesburg’s black middle-class Queenstown district known
as ‘little jazz town’. During the 1930’s the black
elite shifted its attention to big-band swing music, supplied by the
Merry Blackbirds, Jazz Maniacs and early Manhattan Brothers that played
in Johannesburg’s black night-club district of Sophiatown. Similarly
neighbouring Zimbabwe had its own jazz artists: Dorothy Mazuka and the
mentioned earlier, the educated coastal Africans of East Africa created
‘dansi’ orchestras that played foxtrots, and ballroom music
for high-class dancing clubs. In English-speaking West Africa there
was a similar situation as the coastal elites there established numerous
symphonic-like dance orchestras. The earliest was the 1914 Excelsior
Orchestras of Ghana and by the 1920’s these included the Jazz
Kings and Cape Coast Sugar Babies of Ghana, the Lagos City Orchestra
of Nigeria and the Dapa Jazz Band and Triumph Orchestra of Freetown.
In the case of Ghana, it was during the 1920's, when the prestigious
dance groups began to orchestrate local melodies, that the term ‘highlife’
(i.e. high-class) was coined.
Coast Sugar Babies in Nigeria in 1937
MINSTREL SHOWS, RECORDS AND EARLY FILM
American blackface minstrel groups first visited Africa (Cape Town)
in 1859 but made little impact on the local music scene. However, this
changed in the 1890’s when African-American groups such as MacAdoo’s
Virginia Jubilee Singers began visiting South Africa (Erlmann, 1988),
bringing with them ‘coonsongs’, ragtimes, spirituals and
the cakewalk dance. As a result, local African minstrel groups were
formed, there were ‘coon carnivals’ by Cape Town’s
‘cape-coloureds’ and ragtime bands like the Darktown Negroes
Clark (1979) refers to minstrel shows in late 19th century Lagos, whilst
Nunley (1987) mentions an African Comedy Group in Freetown in 1915.
Minstrel and vaudeville sketches became popular in Ghana around 1903
(personal communication C.M. Cole l996) and in 1918 (Sutherland,1970).
Furthermore, between 1924-6 the African-American (or possibly Americo-Liberian)
or Glass and Grant team was based in Accra that influenced Williams
and Marbel of Accra and Williams and Nikol from Freetown. This local
vaudeville or ‘concert party’ of the local elites rapidly
became indigenised during the 1930’s by popular theatre groups
like Bob Johnson’s and the Axim Trio.
and Marbel in 1923
around 1900 records and film became an important source of musical innovation.
Early imported records included western classical pieces, popular dances
‘coon songs’, ragtimes, spirituals, singing cowboy
songs (e.g. Jimmy Rodgers) and Hindi music (in East Africa). By the
late 1920's African vernacular records were being distributed in both
East and West Africa and in 1930 the Venezuelan GV label began distributing
Afro-Cuban and Latin-American music. Silent, and later talking films
introduced comic sketches, dance routines, minstrel acts and ‘jazz
not as widespread as the popular music arising out of the African contact
with European and American culture, Islam has created popular genres
on both sides of the continent. Aristocratic Egyptian music (played
on Danbuk clay-pot drum, the ud or lute and the kanum zither) was taken
to the Zanzibar Emirate in the 1870's where, during the 1920's, it became
transformed into local taarab music. This were sung in Swahili
(the old Afro-Arab trade language of East Africa) and employing western
violins and accordions with indigenous ngoma drums. During the 1930's
taraab spread to the Tanzanian mainland and Kenya and later absorbed
elements from Indian music.
group (mid 1960's)
19th century ramadan festival-music of western Nigeria (female waka
and male were genres) was the basis of sakara Yoruba popular music of
the First World War period, played on clay-pot ‘sakara’
drum, molo lute and one-stringed goje fiddle. It was a praise-music
associated with the rise of modern Islamic associations. In the 1940's,
combined with juju music, sakara led to apala music popularised by Haruna
Ishola. During the 1970’s sung elements of were, sakara and apala
(Islamic nasalisation, microtones and melisma) were drawn into fuji
music that employs sakara and hour-glass drums and an eclectic array
of western instruments. The word was coined by Ayinde Barrister and
from the 1980’s it replaced juju as the dominent popular music
of Yoruba christians and muslims alike.
IMPACT OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR
Second World War not only accelerated the African independence movement
but also deeply affected popular music and entertainment. Foreign troops
were stationed in many African countries. American and British servicemen
brought with them swing-jazz (as well as rumbas and calypsos) and the
associated zoot-suit fashion, jitterbug dance and nightclub life. Local
swing bands were set up such as the Swing Rhythm Brothers and Bobby
Bensons group in Lagos, the Black and White Spots and Tempos (both composed
of black and white musicians) of Accra, the Mayfair dance band of Freetown.
In South Africa the already formed Jazz Maniacs,Merry Blackbirds and
Pitch Black Follies of Capetown played for American and British troops,
whilst the American Lieutenant Ike Brooks put together the Zonk variety
outfit using local swing artists (Coplan 1979).
Maniacs in 1940 (Foto, Dave Coplan)
South Africa, the jitterbug dance associated with American swing music
became indigenised into the tsaba-tsaba, popular with young urban Flytaal
(African-Afrikaans slang) speaking members of the ‘tsotsis’
(i.e. zoot-suits) juvenile sub-culture. The Caribbean biguine was introduced
to Congo Brazzaville by black Martinique soldiers of De Gaulle's Free
French army and in Sierre Leone calypso bands were formed during the
Second World War period by Ali Ganda and Famous Scrubbs.
troops also fought abroad in the Far East and in North Africa, such
as the sixteen thousand ‘Boma’ (i.e. Burma boys) of Nigeria
and the East African Kings Rifles. Some of the Education Corps members
of the East African Rifles learnt vamping guitar and the rumba abroad,
and formed Kenya's famous Rumba Boys on their return. Seven Ghanaian
concert party actor-musicians of the West African Frontier Force set
up a West African Theatre in Burma and South Africa's Jubulani concert
party entertained troops in North Africa where they met Glen Miller.
Local popular music was also used in the war effort. For example Ghanaian
konkoma highlife (Sackey, 1989), popular concert party theatre, and
Nigerian juju music (Waterman,1990) were used for recruiting and wartime
POSTWAR EMERGENCE OF NEW POPULAR MUSIC STYLES
impact of wartime troops, the lifting of the wartime ban on record production,
the immediate postwar economic boom, the establishment of multi-national
recording studios in black Africa
 , the introduction of electronic amplification, the emergence
of mass-independence parties and a new educated generation: all helped
shape the numerous popular music genres that mushroomed after the war.
the late 1940’s in Central Africa local ngoma performance, the
Afro-Cuban rumba and American jazz (especially its horn section) were
fused into what became known as ‘Congo jazz’ (later soukous).
It was first sung in Spanish and later Lingala. Moreover, an increasingly
longer fast seben dance section was added after the rumba introduction,
based on traditional short-form modal progressions. Congo-Kinshasha
pioneers were Antoine Wendo (1949), Kalle's African Jazz (1953) that
included the guitarist Dr. Nico and singer Rochereau Tabu Ley (later
forming African Fiesta), Franco's O.K Jazz (1956) and Orchestra Les
Bantous of Congo-Brazzaville (1959). Congo jazz spread throughout the
whole of Africa through records and Congo Brazzaville’s ex-wartime
radio transmitter, the most powerful then in black Africa.
Luambo Makiadi FRANCO
English speaking West Africa maringa, juju music and highlife became
the dominant transcultural popular music forms. Sierra Leone's Ebenezer
Calendar re1eased almost three hundred maringa songs during the 1950's
and in the 60's the Afro-Nationals and other electric maringa bands
entered the scene. Due to rising nationalist sentiments and the introduction
of amplification, loud traditional hour-glass drums started to be
used in Nigerian juju bands (eg. by Ayinde Bakare in 1948)  and regional variants of juju
evolved. Most important was that played by I. K. Dairo's Morning Star
and Blue Spots bands of the 1950's and 60's which enlarged juju trios
and quartets to full-scale dance-bands that played at working class
nightclubs rather than middle-class salons. Immediately after the war
the Yorubas created a comic traveling theatre (partly influenced by
local Cantata bible-plays and partly by the Ghanaian concert party)
pioneered by Hubert Ogunde who staged several plays against the British
K. Dairo & his Juju Group in the 1950's
highlife went through two immediate postwar developments. Pioneered
by E. T. Mensah's Tempos, the huge pre-war dance orchestras were trimmed
down to smaller swing-combo size. The resulting ‘dance band highlife’
blended in swing-jazz, calypsos and Afro-Cuban percussion (introduced
by the Tempos drummer Guy Warren/Kofi Ghanaba). Many bands were influenced
by the Tempos: the Black Beats, Rhythm Aces, Ramblers, Broadway and
Uhuru of Ghana, the Ticklers of Sierra Leone, and highlife bands in
Nigeria run by Bobby Benson, Victor Olaiya, Bill Friday, Rex Lawson
and Victor Uwaifo. The jazz influence on Africa was augmented by trips
to Africa by Louis Armstrong in 1956 and again in 1961/2.
Tempos in 1952
Benson & E. T. Mensah in 1952
small prewar palmwine highlife groups of Ghana evolved into larger postwar
‘guitarbands’ that borrowed instruments (double-bass, bongos,
trap-drums) from the more prestigious highlife dance-bands. In 1952
E. K. Nyame fused the guitar bands with the concert party, creating,
in the resulting Akan Trio, a comic highlife-opera format emulated by
many others: Kakaikus, Yamoahs, Onyinas, the Jaguar Jokers, African
Brothers and Happy Stars of Togo. Most of Ghana's guitar bands, concert
parties and highlife dance bands backed Nkrumah's nationalist political
party, the CPP.
K. Nyame's Guitar Band, 1952
East Africa local beni brass band music died out during the war and
was replaced with local variants of the rumba and jazz played, for instance,
by the Rhino Boys of Kenya. Their vamping Jimmy Rodger guitar style
subsequently spread to the inland Luo and Luhya. This was followed by
the ‘dry’ finger picking guitar style of eastern Congo which,
in combination with the techniques and high pitched playing of traditional
harps and lyres, created the ‘sukuti’ regional guitar style
popular in Kenya and Uganda during the 1950's.
postwar Francophone West Africa Afro-Cuban and Latin American dance
music was all the rage in the cities and many elite bands were set up
to play this in Spanish or Portuguese. These included La Habanera Jazz
of Guinea, the Sor Jazz Band of Senegal, Volta Jazz of Burkina Faso,
Alpha Jazz of the Benin Republic, the Melo Togos of Togo, François
Lougah’s band in Abidjan and Segou Jazz of Mali. Unlike the two
Congos, the full indigenisation of the rumba only took place in Francophone
West Africa after the 1960's and will be discussed later.
after the war in South Africa a proletarian version of black Sophiatown's
middle-class swing music appeared, using homemade guitars and cheap
penny whistles. This ‘kwela’ music, together with its sexually
suggestive ‘phatha-phatha’ dance, became popular with the
tsotsi gangs who were becoming increasingly criminalised due to oppressive
governmental policies. After the apartheid system was institutionalised
in 1948 black urban areas like Sophiatown were destroyed and its inhabitants
relocated to townships. A musical result was the growth during the 1950's
of ‘mbaqanga’ or ‘township jazz/jive’. This
combined elements of jazz, marabi, kwela, Zulu night-music (e.g. of
Ladysmith Black Mambazo), itinerant Zulu/Ndebele guitar playing and
Sotho ‘focho’ accordion music. Various sub styles of saxophone/guitar/accordion
jive arose, the most important being ‘simanje-manje’ (‘now-now’)
in which a township jive band backed a female close-harmony group and
traditional Zulu ‘male groaner’. The most famous was Miriam
Makeba's (ex-Manhattan Brothers) Skylarks, followed by the Dark City
Sisters and Mahotella Queens.
independence (beginning with Ghana, 1957) many African governments actively
supported local popular music in line with their concepts of ‘negritude’
(Senghor), ‘African personality’ (Nkrumah) and ‘authenticité’
(Mobutu). State recording, film and television studios were established.
Pan-African festivals were held (the first in Dakar, the biggest Nigeria's
FESTAC 77), state bands set up, women artists encouraged and music unions
Anglophone West Africa the Sierra Leone government made Ebenezer Calender
head programmer for state radio and formed the female police dance-band.
Similarly Nigeria had its all-female armed-forces band, and Ghana's
Nkrumah government formed workers brigade bands and concert parties
that included female artists. Unions for dance musicians and local comic
opera groups were established in Ghana (1961 and 1960) and Nigeria (1958
the 1967-70 Nigerian (Biafran) Civil War there was an oil boom that
created a strong local record manufacturing industry. During the war,
highlife (dominated by easterners) waned in western Nigeria, whilst
juju music waxed and turned again into a praise music: supplied to the
oil boom ‘nouveau-riche’ by juju music super-star millionaires
such as Ebenezer Obey and Sunny Ade. Highlife survived however in the
east and midwest of Nigeria played by bands such as the Peacocks, Oriental
Brothers, Warriors, Soundmakers, Philosphers National, Rokafil Jazz
and Victor Uwaifo's Melody Maestros. In neighbouring Cameroon a local
guitar band blend of local palmwine music with Nigerian highlife and
Congo Jazz evolved into the makossa.
Uwaifo & King Pagoe Benin City 1974
became independent in 1961 and in 1967 declared Swahili the nationa1
language. There was a ban on foreign pop, but one hundred-and-twenty
‘Swahili jazz’ bands were formed, many (e.g. Vijana and
Juwata Jazz) sponsored by Nyerere's socialist government. These all
played a local version of Congo jazz introduced by musicians and bands
(e.g. Remmy Ongala and Orchestre Makassy) that left Congo-Kinshasha
due to its turbulent 1960-5 civil war.
rise of vernacular transcultural popular dance-music evolved later in
Francophone West Africa than in English speaking Africa, partly due
to the French ‘direct’ colonial rule in which the colonised
either became ‘évolués’ (i.e. black Frenchmen)
or remained as ‘indigenes’. This policy, unlike British
‘indirect rule’ through traditional chiefs and institutions,
did not foster cross-cultural exchange. However, with independence (beginning
with Guinea in 1958) this situation changed rapidly.
the socialist countries of Sekou Touré’s Guinea and President
Keita's Mali, foreign pop music was suppressed and state popular music
bands were formed. State radio and record companies were also established
to disseminate this music as well as that of the hereditary ‘griot’
(Mandingo ‘jali’) families such as Koyate, Diabate, Suso,
Damba and Kante/Konte. During the 1960's state bands like Guinea's Bembeya
Jazz and the Les Amazons female police band, and Mali's Super Biton
and National Badema (as well as the private Star Band and Baobab Band
of Senegal) began the indigenisation of Francophone West African popular
music. They combined urban rumbas and Congo jazz with local ingredients
from Manding culture and sang in the Manding dialects of Bambara, Malinke,
Dioula and Wolof. An example of an ‘Afro-Mandingo’ band
is Mali's Rail Band (formed 1970) whose singer Salif Keita and Mory
Kanta were griots and whose Guinean guitarist Kante Manfila drew ideas
from the twenty-one stringed kora harp-lute of the griots.
Francophone Salif Keita
most of Africa moved towards independence after the Second War, southern
Africa went through a period of increasing oppression. Civil wars occurred
in Zimbabwe (1965-80), Angola (1961-74) and Mozambique (1962-75) that
held back the emergence of popular music. In Zimbabwe however, anti
Ian Smith  ‘chimurenga’ (Shona for ‘liberation’)
guitar-band music (influenced by the local mbira hand-piano) was created
in the mid-1970's by Thomas Mapfuno and Oliver Mutukudzi. When the Zimbabwean
guerrillas returned home from exile in Tanzania they brought home the
fast East African versions of Congo jazz with them. This, combined with
chimurenga, created the ultra-fast ‘jit’ music of the Bhundu
(Bush) Boys and others.
the 1960 Sharpeville massacre of 1960 the political situation went
from bad to worse in South Africa. Mbaqanga continued to be played in
the townships but, with the destruction of Sophiatown and the banning
of integrated bands and audiences (the 1959 King Kong musical was the
last multi-racial show under apartheid), many of South Africa's jazz
musicians went abroad into exile. These included Ibrahim Abdullah (Dollar
Brand), Dudu Pukwana, Chris McGregor's Brotherhood of Breath, Letta
Mbulu, Hugh Masekela and Miriam Makeba. Ironically, in the United States,
Miriam Makeba switched away from jazz influenced music and became internationally
acclaimed for her renditions of South African folk-songs, which (via
records and African tours) stimulated many African artists, especially
Brand (Foto Jat Kilby)
MUSIC OF THE 1960's AND THE EXPERIMENTATION OF THE 1970's
the early 1960's two musical waves swept Africa. One already mentioned
was Central African Congo jazz. The other was imported ‘pop’
music, mainly African-American based rock 'n' roll
 , twist, soul, funk followed by soul inluenced disco
and Jamaican reggae. These were introduced through records and sixties
tours by James Brown, Chubby Checker, Millicent Small, and Ghana's 1971
Soul to Soul concert that featured Tina Turner, Wilson Pickett and Santana.
'n' roll Dancer in Accra, 1960's (Drum Magazine)
first imitative youthful pop bands sprang up, especially in English-speaking
Africa: the Avengers, E1 Pollos and Aliens of Ghana, the Cyclops, Blue
Knights and Soul Assembly of Nigeria, the Echoes and Heartbeats of Sierra
Leone, the Super Eagles of Gambia, the Chicken Run Band of Zimbabwe
and Beaters of South Africa. However, during the 1970's a more experimental
‘Afro-pop’ fusion phase began, due to a combination of various
factors. These included the independence Africanisation ethos and
Pan Africanism. Also important were the black pride, Afro-centric and
back-to-roots message found in African-American soul music and ‘Afro’
fashions, as well as Afro-Caribbean reggae and rastafarianism.
early pop fusion was the Ewe music of Togo’s Bella Bellow. Another
was the ‘Afro-rock’ of Ghana’s London-based Osibisa
(composed of ex-highlife musicians). Many other Afro-rock bands followed:
Hedzolleh and Boombaya of Ghana, BLO, Mono-Mono, the Funkees and Ofege
of Nigeria, the Super Combo of Sierra Leone, Harare and Javuka/Savuka
of South Africa: and later Angelique Kidjo of the Benin Republic.
Clegg of Javuka/Savuka
Afro-pop style was soul influenced ‘Afro-beat’ created in
1969 by Nigeria’s militant and controversial Fela Anikulapo (Ransome)Kuti
(an ex-highlife musician), a style taken up by the Polyrhythmic Orchestra
of neighbouring Benin, the Big Beats and Sawaaba Sounds of Ghana and
Nigerian Afro-beat bands run by Femi Anikulapo-Kuti (Fela’s son),
Kola Ogunkoya, Dede Mabiaku and Lagbaja. Other Afro-soul fusions were
created by Nigeria’s Segun Bucknor, the South African Soul Brothers
(a blend of mbaqana and soul) and the disco-maringa hits of Sierra Leone
producer Akie Deen (by Sabanah 75, Bunny Mack and Liberia’s Miatta
Fahubulleh). Cameroon's Manu Dibango (ex Kalle’s African Jazz)
had an international hit in 1972 with his ‘Soul Makossa’
record and in the early 1980’s German-based Ghanaian musicians
created a disco-highlife
 blend known as ‘Burgher’ (i.e. Hamburg
 ) highlife.
Fela & Africa 70, circa 1970(Foto Juliet
also influenced the ‘kiri kiri’ 1969 sub-style of Congo
jazz (Kazadi, 1973), the same year that the ‘Zaiko’ Langa
Langa (i.e. Zaire plus Kongo) band was formed in Kinshasha. This student
oriented group was instrumentally modeled on western Beatles-type pop
groups and so did away with the horn section of Congo jazz. Influenced
by Mobutu’s current ‘authenticité’ policy,
this and other similar groups ( Clan Langa Langa, Zaiko Wa Wa, etc.)
used revamped folk-dances (e.g. Cavacha and Zekete Zekete) for the seben
section of their songs and did away with the rumba introduction altogether.
Ironically ex-Zaiko member, Papa Wemba later became the idol of the
young 1980's and 90's ‘sapeurs’ who wore French designer
clothes as a snub to the authenticité policy of the increasingly
music became fashionable in Africa in the early seventies and many Jamaican
artists visited the continent; for instance Jimmy Cliff’s Nigerian
tour in 1994 and Bob Marley trip to Zimbabwe's during its independence
celebration in 1980. At first in Africa it was all a matter of local
bands doing cover versions of the Wailers, etc, but vernacular and other
‘Afro-reggaes’ were soon began to be composed by the Pied
Pipers of Zimbabwe, Ghana’s City Boys, K. K. Kabobo, Kwadwo Antwi
and Rocky Dawuni, Miatta Fahubulleh of Liberia, Sonny Okosun, Ras Kimono,
Majek Fashek and Evi Edna Ogholi of Nigeria, Alpha Blondy of the Cote
d'Ivoire and South Africa's Lucky Dube.
Blondy (Shanachie Records)
another form of popular music experimentation that began from the 1960’s,
was the creation of acoustic popular ensembles, or electric ones that
drew heavily on traditional instrumental techniques and folk rhythms.
Examples of the former are of two types. Firstly the music of neo-folk
guitarists such as Koo Nimo of Ghana, Francis Bebey of the Cameroons,
Pierre Akendengue of Gabon, S. G. Rogie of Sierra Leone and the blues-griot
fusion of Mali’s Ali Farka Toure. Secondly, there are the popular
music ensembles that have done away with all or most western instruments.
These include the fuji music of western Nigeria, the 1960's maringa
influenced acoustic ‘milo jazz’ of Sierra Leone’s
Dr. Olu, the ‘Ga cultural groups’ of Ghana pioneered
in 1973 by Wulomei and the 1990's neo-traditional ‘sundama’
music of Congo Kinshasa.
of electro-folk fusion popular from the 1970's are the ‘benga
beat’ of Kenya and Uganda that, like its sukuti predecessor, draws
on the local lyre tradition, the mbira influenced chimurenga music of
Zimbabwe, the fast polyrhythmic ‘bikutsi pop’ of the Cameroons
that is based on traditional xylophone playing, the previously mentioned
Zaiko style of Kinshasa and the Bete folkrhythm influenced music of
the Cote d’Ivoire’s Ernesto Dje Dje (his ‘zigblithi’)
and Amedee Pierre.
striking is the string of e1ectro-folk fusions that have been produced
in the Manding and Fulani areas of Francophone West Africa since the
1970's. There are the Afro-Mandingo style referred to earlier played
by Salif Keita's Ambassadeurs of Mali, Ifang Bondi (ex-Super Eagles)
of Gambia, Super Mama Djoubi of Guinea-Bissau, Mory Kante of Guinea
and Youssou N'Dour and Toure Kunda of Senegal (‘mbalax’
music). The there are ‘electro-griot’ bands that combine
the instruments of the griots with western ones, such as those of Guinea's
Sona Diabete (ex-Les Amazons), Gambia's Foday Musa Suso (Mandingo Griot
Society), Mali's Tata Bambo, Ami Koita and Toumani Diabate and Senegal's
Baaba Maal. A non Mandingo variety of electro-folk is the Malian ‘wassoulou’
sound based on Fula and Peul hunters music, but ironically popularised
largely by women artists like Sali Sidibe and Nahawa Doumbia.
MUSIC SINCE THE 1980's
the 1980's and through the 90's three new musical developments emerged
in Africa; namely local gospel, local hi-tech computer music and ‘World
of the thousands of separatist Christian churches found in Africa allow
(unlike western ones) dance for worship, and have since the late 1970’s
utilised local popular dance-music bands and records as part of their
outreach programs. Examples of such bands are Nigeria’s Charismatic
Singers, Imole Ayo's Christian Singers and Sonny Okosun's (ex Melody
Maestros) group, the Puritans of Zimbabwe and the ‘gospel-highlife’
bands of Ghana. Local gospel is paving the way for many women artists
to enter the local dance-music profession.
Aladura Separatist African Church Dancers, Nigeria.
rap, house-music and ragga using drum-machines, synthesizer and computers
have became fashionable with Africa's youth since the 1980's, and many
artists have created local versions of this techno-pop: Nigeria's Bolarin
Dawadu, South Africa's Sello ‘Chico’ Twale and Stimela,
Guinea's Mory Kante, the Cote d’Ivoire’s Magic System, Cameroon’s
Mone Bile, Congo-Kinshasha's Sousy Kassey and Ghana's ‘burgher
highlife’ stars George Darko and Daddy Lumba. The latest
techo-pop fashion is vernacular rap such as South African kwaito, Ghanaian
hip-life, Zimbabwean Zim-rap and the threee thousand local rap groups
George Darko & Cantata in mid 1980's
the early 1980’s danceable African popu1ar music (coined ‘World
Music’ in 1987) became, for the first time, internationally commercially
successful and western super-stars like Peter Gabriel, Stuart Coplan,
Bob Geldof, Quincy Jones, David Byrne and Ry Cooder began experimenting
in this idiom. Most successful was Paul Simon’s 1986 South African
inspired ‘Gracelands’ album.
are various causes for this international explosion of African based
world music. One is the large number of African musicians who have moved
abroad, beginning with the exodus of South African jazz musicians in
the 1960's and followed in the 1970's and 80's by African artists who
settled and/or worked in London, Hamburg, Paris, New York and Toronto.
Indeed, Paris became the recording Mecca for Francophone Africa from
the mid-1980•s (after moving from Abidjan).
second reason is that with the death of Jamaican reggae star Bob Marley
in 1981 international independent (cf. big multi-national ones) recording
companies began to look for a new black pop style and super-star, but
from Africa instead of the black Americas. Island records (Marley’s
label), for instance, in 1982 endorsed Nigerian juju star Sunny Ade.
Island Record’s success was followed by other European and later
American independent record companies who released albums of Zimbabwean
jit bands, Congolese soukous artists (Franco, Mpongo Love, Kanda Bongo
Man) and the South African Zulu night-music of Ladysmith Black Mambazo.
Currently the focus is on the Afro-beat of the late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti
and the music of Francophone West African artists such as Youssou N’Dour,
Salif Keita and Ali Farka Toure.
third reason for the global recognition of African popular music at
the close of the 20th century is that it is a logical continuation of
a process that began during the 19th century, when the popular music
of the black diaspora (spirituals, minstrel songs and ragtimes) crossed
over to whites. This continued throughout the 20th century, as a succession
of African-American dance-music crazes such as jazz, Afro-Cuban rumba,
samba, the blues, rhythm ‘n’ blues, calypsos, reggae, soul
hiphop, raga and rap. These have provided the western world with
the nearest thing to a contemporary global ‘folk’ dance-music.
What we are seeing today with World Music is this process completed.
The international recognition of black popular dance-music stemming
directly from the African continent itself.
P. W. 1993. History of Fuji Music in Nigeria, Effective Publications,
K. E. 1989. The Political Relevance of Ghanaian Highlife Songs Since
1957. Research in African Literatures, Vol. 20 (3).
F. 1975. Contemporary Culture in Lagos. In The Development of an
African City, (ed) A.B. Aderibigbe, Longman, Nigeria.
A. 1985. Juju Music: A 5tudy of its Social History and Style. Ph.D
Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, USA.
A. M. 1991. Music in the Mix: The Story of South African Popular
Music, Ravan Press, Johannesburg, South Africa.
C. 1993. Marabi Nights. Ravan Press, Johannesburg, South Africa.
K. N. 1985. Come to Laugh: African Traditional Theatre in Ghana.
Lillian Barber Press, New York.
K. 1987. Popular Art in Africa. In African Studies Review, vol.10
(3), September, pp. 1-78.
J. S. and EYRE B. 1995. Afropop. Chartwell Books, USA.
W. 1986. Sweet Mother: Africanische Musik. Trickster Verlag, Munich.
Ebenezer Calender and Appraisal. In Bayreuth African Studies Series
9, (ed) E. Breitinger, Bayreuth University, pp. 43-69.
K. M. 1985, The Caribbean as a Musical Region. The Woodrow Wilson
International Centre for Scholars, Washington D.C.
0. 1984. Akan Highlife in Ghana: Songs Or Cultural Transition. PhD
Thesis, Indiana University, USA.
Jr. G. E. 1972. The Kru Mariner in the 19th Century. Liberia Monograph
Series No 1. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Delaware.
J. 1989. Hey You: Portrait of Youssou N'Dour. Fine Line Books, London.
J. 1979. African Rhythms and African Sensibility. University of
Ebun 1979. Hubert Ogunde: The Making if Nigerian Theatre. Oxford
E. John 1976. Comic Opera in Ghana. In African Arts, UCLA, vol.
9 (2), January, pp. 50-57. Republished in Ghanaian Literatures (ed)
K. Priebe, Greenwood Press, Connecticut,1988, pp. 61-72.
1976. Ghanaian Highlife. In African Arts, UCLA, vol.19 (1), October,
pp. 62-8 and 100.
1977. Postwar Popular Band Music in West Africa. In African Arts, UCLA,
vol 10 (3), April, pp. 53-60. Republished in German in Populare Musik
in Afrika, (ed) V. Erlmann, Museum Fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, 1991.
1979. Crisis in the Ghanaian Music Industry. West Africa Journal. London,
August 20th. Republished in German in Lesebuch Zur Afrikanischen Kulture,
(ed) A. Infield, Unionsverlag, Zurich, 1980.
Music Makers of West Africa, Three Continents Press, Washington DC.
African Pop Roots. Foulshams, London.
The Concert Party in Ghana, Musical Traditions, Exeter, (ed.) Keith
Jazz Feedback to Africa. In American Music ( ed) J. Graziano, Univ.
of Illinois Press, vol. 5 (2), Summer, pp. 176-193.
Comic Opera in Ghana. Ghanaian Literatures, (ed.) R. Priebe Greenwood
The Early History of West African Highlife Music. Popular Music, (ed.)
by J. Farley and S. Rijven, Cambridge University Press, Vol.8, No.3,
African Music Strengthens Cultural Autonomy, (ed) S. O’Connell,
Group Media Journal, vol. VIII, Munich.
----------1989. Article on West African
Popular Music (translated into Japanese) for Japanese Noise: Music Magazine,
(ed.) Toyo Nakamuru, Tokyo, Number 1, Spring.
Running a Band, Music Studio and Music Archives in Ghana. Proceedings
of Conference on Regional Audio-visual Archives, Falun, Sweden, Delarna
Popular Music of West Africa (translated into German) Populare Musik
in Afrika, (ed) Velt Erlmann, Museum fur Volkekunde Germany.
The Ghanaian Concert Party - Popular Entertainment and the Ghanaian
School Syllabus, (eds) A.Boeren and K. Epskamp, Ceso Paperback No. 17,
The Hague, Centre for the Study of Education in Developing countries.
1992. West African Pop Roots, Temple University Press, USA.
Some Anti-Hegemonic Aspects of African Popular Music. In Rockin’
The Beat: Mass Music and Mass Movements, (ed) R. Garafolo, Southend
The Problem of Oral Copyright: The. Case of Ghana. Chapter 8 of Music
And Copyright, (ed) Simon Frith, Edinburgh University Press.
The Ghanaian Concert Party: African Popular Entertainment at the Crossroads.
PhD Dissertation, SUNY Buffalo. Available from Customer Service for
Dissertations, University Microfilms Inc. 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor,
Michigan 48106-1346.Publication Number 95-09102.
Highlife Time. Anansesem Press, Accra.(second revised version -1996.
Music Feedback: African America's Music in Africa, (ed) Lisa Brock,
Issue: A Journal of Opinion, African Studies, vol. XXIV/2.
E. T. Mensah, the King of Highlife. Anansesem Press, Accra.
Fela and the Black President Film. In Glendora African Quarterly
of the Arts, (ed) Dapo Adeniyi, Lagos, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp.57-73.
The Ghanaian Concert Party. In Glendora Review: in African Quarterly
of the Arts (ed D. Adiniyi), Lagos, vol. 1 (4, pp. 85-88.
The Evolution of West African Popular Entertainment. The Encyclopedia
of Sub-Saharan Africa (ed) John Middleton, Charles Scribner and Sons
Reference Books, U.S.A.
Ghana Entry (with Ronnie Graham) for the Rough Guide to World
Music,Volume 1, (eds. S. Broughton, M. Ellingham and R. Trillo). Published
by Rough Guide/Penguin, London, pp.488-498.
Hitechnology, Individual Copyright and Ghanaian Music, in the
book Ghana: Changing Values/Changing Technologies,
(ed) Helen Lauer, published by the Council for Research in Values
and Philosophy, U.S.A.
2000 Paper on the African Music Industry. For the June 20th
2000 Workshop of the World Bank on Developing the Music Industry in
Africa.. Available from the Policy Science Center, 127 Wall St. Room
314, BOX 208215, New Haven,CT.06529-8215. (www.worldbank.org/research/trade/africa_music2.htm.
La Musique Poulaire de L’Ouest Africain Anglophone, in Notre
Librarie: Literatures du Nigeria et du Ghana:2 (ed.) Jean-Louis
Joubert. Published by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Number
141, July-September, pp. 114-118.
Forthcoming Fela: Nigeria’s Afrobeat Warrior Forthcoming
from Off The Record Press of London.
E. JOHN and RICHARDS P. 1989. Popular Music in West Africa (an Interpretive
Framework). In World Music, Politics and Social Change (ed) S. Frith,
Manchester University Press, pp. 12-46.
E. JOHN (with BARBER K. and RICARD A.) 1997. West African Popular
Theatre. Indiana Univ. Press/James Currey.
D. 197S. Go to my Town Cape Coast: The Social History of Ghanaian
Highlife. In Eight Urban Musical Cultures, (ed) B. Nettl, University
of Indiana Press.
1985. In Township Tonight: South Africa•s Black City Music and
Theatre. Ravan Press, Johannesburg, South Africa.
J. 1958, La Bataille de Rail. Brussels.
A. 1974. New Musical Traditions from Ghana. PhD Dissertation, Wesleyan
M. and ROUARD D. 1990. Trois Kilos de Cafe. Lieu Commun, Paris.
M. 1973. The Marabi Dance, Heinemann, London.
C. 1997. Art from the Frontline: Contemporary Art from Southern
Africa. Karia Press, London.
P. 1980. Music Forms in Tanzania and their Socio•economic
Base. In Transactions of the Finnish Anthropological Society, Jipemoyo
Magazine, Helsinki, no 9, pp. 8-9.
L. 1986. Djely Mousso, Folk Roots, vol. 11 (3), September, pp. 34-9.
M. J. C. 1962. Concert and Theatre in Late 19th Century Lagos. Nigeria
magazine, Lagos, no.74, September, pp. 68-74
V. 1988. A Feeling of Prejudice: Orpheus McAdoo and the Virginia
Jubilee Singers in S. Africa 1890•9. In Journal of Southern African
Studies, vol. 14 (3), April, pp. 332-350.
G. 1991. Africa Oh Ye: A Celebration of African Music, Guinness,
1994. Congo Colossos: Franco and OK Jazz, Buku Press, UK.
J. 1978. Popular Culture in Africa: Findings and Conjectures. In
Africa, vol 48 (4), pp. 315-334.
1987. On Music in Contemporary West Africa. In African Affairs, London,
vol. 86 (343), April, pp. 227-240.
R. 1988-98. Stern’s Guide to Contemporary African Music, Vol
I and 2, Zwan and Off The Record Press, London/ Pluto Press, London.
F. 1987. Goumbe and the Development of Krio Popular Music In Freetown
Sierre Leone. Paper read at 4th International Conference of the International
Association for the Study of Popular Music, Accra.
Jambo Records and the Promotion of Popular Music in East Africa. In
,Bayreuth African Studies Series, (ed) W. Bender, Bayreuth University,
Germany, no 9, pp. 103-137.
G. and MARKS D. (eds) 1985. Repercussions: A Celebration of African-American
Music, Century Publishing, London.
C. Dowu 1984. Popular Bands of Sierre Leone 1920 to present. In
Black Perspectives in Music, Cambria Heights, New York, vol. 12 (2),
J. U. 1989. The Blues: An Afro-American Matrix for Black South African
Writing. In English in Africa, vol. 16 (2), 0ctober, pp. 3-17.
D. 1987. Popular Culture and Popular Music: The Nigerian Experience.
In Presence Africaine, no 144, pp. 59-72.
B. 1984. The Yoruba Popular Traveling Theatre of Nigeria. Nigerian
Rotomi 1989. The Language and Content of Nigerian Popular Music.
In Bayreuth African Studies Series (ed), W. Bender, Bayreuth University,
Germany, pp. 91-102.
R. 1975. Shona Music: A Process which Maintains Traditional Value.
In Urban Man in Southern Africa (eds) C. Kileff and W. C. Pendelton,
Mambo Press, Zimbabwe.
R. N. 1978. The Development of Guitar Music in Kenya. In Jazz Research,
Germany, no. 10, pp. 111-119.
0. 1973. Trends in 19th and 20th Century Music in Zaire-Congo. In
Musikulturen Asiens, Afrikas und Oceaniens, (ed) von Robert Gunther,
Gustav Bosse Verlag, Regensburg, no. 9, pp. 267-288.
D. 1995. African Popular Theatre. James Currey, London.
B. 1966. Introducing the Highlife, Jazz Monthly, July, pp. 3-8.
Y. 1987. Alpha Blondy: Reggae et Société en Afrique
Noire, Karthala Press, Paris.
G. 1974. The Kachamba Brothers Band: A Study of Neo-Traditional
Music in Malawi. Zambian Papers, no.9.
Neo-Traditional Popular Music in East Africa Since 1943. In Popular
Music, (eds) R. Middleton and D. Morn, Cambridge Univ. Press.
H. 1988. Rockers d’Afrique: Stars et Légendes du Rock
Mandingue. Albin Michel, Paris.
L. 1967. The Growth of Entertainment of Non Africa Origin in Lagos
from 1866-1920. Ph.D Thesis, University of Ibadan, Nigeria.
G. 1994. Dangerous Crossroads. Verso, London/New York.
J. 1982. A History of Kenyan Guitar Music 1945-80. African Music,
Grahamstown, vol. 6 (2), pp. 17-36.
Shaba Diary (Katanga Guitar Styles) Acta Ethnologica et Linguistica,
Series Africana 16, Vienna.
M. and HALL J. 1987. Makeba - My Story. New African Library, New
M. A. 1984. The Zambian Popular Music Scene. Jazz Research, vol.16,
C. J. 1990. Zimbabwean Contemporary Music of the 1940•s•60•s.
Paper at Audio-Visual Archives Conference, Fayum, Sweden, July.
P. 1988. Popular Music of the Non Western World. Oxford Univ. Press.
J. and CHARLTON H. 1983. Beats of the Heart: Popular Music of the
World, Pluto Press, London.
S. H. 1982. Music in East Africa: Five Genres in Dar Es Salaam.
In Journal of African Studies, vol 9 (3), Fall, pp, 155163.
K. 1972. La Musique Zairoise Moderne, Kinshasha.
A. A. 1971/72 Jazz the Round Trip. In Jazz Research, no.3/4, Graz.
J. C. 1956. The Kalela Dance. Rhodes-Livingstone Papers, no. 27.
C. 1982. Fela Fela This Bitch of a Life. Allison and Busby, London.
J. H. K. 1956. The Gramophone and Contemporary African Music in
the Gold Coast. Institute of Social and Economic Research, University
J. W. 1987. Moving with the Face of the Devil: Art and Politics
in Urban West Africa. University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago.
J. K. 1971. Soul Music in Africa. The Black Scholar, California,
vol. 2 (6).
M. A. 1987, Women in Popular Music in Nigeria. Paper at 4th International
Conference of International Association for the Study of Popular Music,
A. J. C. Songs that Won the Liberation War, College Press, Zimbabwe.
T. O. 1975. Dance and Society in Eastern Africa 1890-1970. Heinemanns,
A. 1977. The Concert Party as a Genre: The Happy Stars of Lome.
In Forms of Folklore in Africa, (ed) B. Lindfors, Austin, Texas.
J. S. 1974. Black Music of Two Worlds. William and Morrow, New York.
D. 1961/1961. The Guitar Improvisations of Mwenda Jean Bosco, Part
One/Two. African Music, vol. 2/3 (1/4), pp. 81-98/86-102.
Evidence of Stylistic Continuity in Zulu ‘Town’ Music. In
Essay for a Humanist (Klaus Waschmann), Town House Press, New York,
C. K. 1989. Konkoma: A Musical Form of Fanti Young Fishermen in
the 1940’s and 50's in Ghana W. Africa, Dietrich Reimer Verlag,
C. (ed) 1994. The Guitar in Africa 1950’s-90’s. The
World of Music, IITM, Germany, vol. 36 (2).
A. 1985. East African Pop Music. Heinemann, London.
M. E. 1962. Popular Music of West Africa. African Music, vol. 2
R. 1961. The Ghanaian Highlife: Notation and Sources. In Music in
Ghana, Institute of African Studies, Univ. of Ghana, Legon, pp, 7-94.
C. and MAY C. 1987. African All Stars, Quartet Books, London.
M. and J. 1968. Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance
Efua. 1970. The Original Bob: The Story of Bob Johnson Ghana’s
Ace Comedian. Anowuo Educational Publications, Accra, Ghana.
DER GEEST S. and ASANTE-DARKO N. K. 1982. The Political Meaning
of Highlife Songs in Ghana. In American Studies Review, vol. XXV (1),
March, pp. 27-35.
R. and MALM K. 1984. Big Sounds from Small People, Constable, London.
N. 1978. Popular Music and African Identity in Freetown, Sierre
Leone. In Eight Urban Cultures: Tradition and Change, (ed) Bruno Nettl,
University of Illinois Press, pp. 196-319.
C. 1990. Juju: A Social History and Ethnography of an African Popular
Music. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
K. 1984. The Akan Highlife Song: A Medium for Cultural Reflection
or Deflection? In Research in African Literatures, vol 15 (4), Winter,
University of Texas Press, pp. 568-582.
F. 1980. Roots Rocking in Zimbabwe, Mambo Press, Harare, Zimbabwe.